The Media Line: Yair Netanyahu at Center of WZO Firestorm That Freezes Power-Sharing Deal 

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Yair Netanyahu at Center of WZO Firestorm That Freezes Power-Sharing Deal 

Outrage over the proposed appointment derailed a carefully brokered coalition framework and forced the World Zionist Congress to add two weeks to its timetable while parties hunt for a new compromise 

By Gabriel Colodro/The Media Line  

The 39th World Zionist Congress convened in Jerusalem amid an uneasy calm, just two weeks into the ceasefire that, at least on paper, ended the Gaza war. With over 1,400 delegates from 43 countries, the gathering was intended to showcase unity and continuity after two years of pain and uncertainty. Yet as debates unfolded, the congress itself became the stage for a political scandal that exposed the enduring fragility of Israel’s institutions and the movement meant to unite them. 

The controversy erupted when Likud announced the appointment of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s son, Yair Netanyahu, to a senior position on the board of the World Zionist Organization. The nomination, reportedly to head the hasbara department—Israel’s public diplomacy and international advocacy efforts—included the salary, office, and privileges of a government minister. The decision immediately halted all negotiations over a fragile power-sharing agreement between Israel’s center-left and center-right factions that was supposed to bring the congress to a close. 

Critics quickly pointed out that Netanyahu has not lived in Israel since the war began, choosing instead to reside in Miami while the country was under fire. “As soon as his name was announced, all discussion stopped,” said a Yesh Atid official familiar with the talks. “Everyone was shocked by the decision, and the agreement was immediately at risk.” 

Yesh Atid denounced the appointment as “despicable,” vowing that it “will not sign any such agreement in the WZO [World Zionist Organization].” 

The Democrats Party described it as “a corrupt and shameful appointment” and “a step in the destruction of Israel’s national institutions,” accusing the prime minister of turning Zionism’s founding bodies into a “mafia-like family enterprise.” 

Even voices within the right joined in. The Reservists Movement, led by former minister Yoaz Hendel, posted on X: “We’ve completely lost our minds. The peak of the filth—the appointment of Yair Netanyahu, who left the country during wartime, to a senior position in the Zionist institutions as part of a deal with opposition parties. There’s no one there who thinks that after such a war, it would be appropriate, even symbolically, to appoint reservists, or simply someone who did something for the country in the past two years. There’s everything here except Zionism.” 

The uproar brought the congress to a standstill. Negotiations over the coalition framework that had been carefully built during the week were suspended within hours, and every pending appointment to the Zionist institutions—including the leadership of the WZO and the Jewish National Fund–Keren Kayemet LeIsrael (KKL)—was frozen. What had been framed as a moment of unity quickly unraveled into accusations of nepotism and political manipulation. 

Opposition Leader Yair Lapid responded publicly with a biting suggestion. “If the Likud is truly looking for someone to ‘handle hasbara,’ I suggest Ruby Chen instead of Yair Netanyahu—the father of Israel’s hero, Itai Chen, who is still held captive by Hamas,” Lapid wrote on X. “There is no one more dignified and suitable than Ruby, after these past two years in which he led the international public diplomacy efforts of the Hostages’ Headquarters.” 

For many delegates, the scandal overshadowed what had begun as a rare moment of consensus. Just a day earlier, the center-left and center-right blocs had reached a tentative coalition agreement to split control of the WZO and the KKL. The deal would have appointed Rabbi Doron Perez, head of the World Mizrachi movement and father of Capt. Daniel Perez—killed on October 7 and held in Gaza for months—as WZO chairman, while MK Meir Cohen of Yesh Atid would lead the Jewish National Fund (JNF). Halfway through the five-year term, the positions were to rotate, with Yesh Atid assuming the WZO chair and Likud taking over the JNF. 

That delicate equilibrium collapsed overnight. As Yair Netanyahu’s name was added to the WZO leadership slate, anger erupted across the congress floor. “Yesterday, we at the national institutions were on the cusp of a historic, balanced agreement that would have united the Jewish people and positioned us to meet the challenges facing Israel and the Jewish world.” said Dr. Yizhar Hess, vice chairman of the WZO and senior representative of Mercaz Olami, the Conservative/Masorti Movement. “The proposed appointment of Yair Netanyahu is unacceptable. As we saw in the reactions of dismay and shock on the congress floor, representatives of the liberal and pluralistic camp raised their voices and made clear we will only sign an agreement that is balanced and unites Israel and the Jewish people. A deal that hands Yair Netanyahu any position in the national institutions is clearly not that and is not an option.” 

The fallout was immediate. Delegates from liberal, religious, and centrist parties refused to proceed with scheduled votes. Overnight, emergency meetings were held between representatives of Yesh Atid, the Reform and Conservative movements, and the Zionist Federation to salvage a compromise. The Congress, initially scheduled to adjourn Thursday, voted instead to extend its session by two weeks, even as the following day’s programming was canceled amid mass ultra-Orthodox military draft protests that paralyzed parts of Jerusalem. 

The crisis cut through what had been one of the most symbolically charged gatherings in decades. “Indeed, the war is over,” said Gil Segal, vice president of the WZO, speaking earlier with The Media Line. “But we must still remember that there are hostages who have not been returned. The struggle for their burial in the Land of Israel is not over. The congress takes place against that background, and it is a very important one.” Segal described this year’s plenum as the most inclusive in decades—“forty-one Jewish federations from around the world, and more than 200,000 votes from the United States alone.” To him, the turnout was evidence that “despite everything we’ve gone through, the Zionist movement stands strong, united by purpose, even if divided in opinion.” 

The theme chosen for this year’s meeting, Zionism 2048, looked ahead to the centennial of Israel’s founding, an opportunity, Segal said, “to speak about all generations. The Congress embodies that double meaning—voice and entirety. It is both the voice of the Jewish people and the sum of its generations.” 

Herbert Block, executive director of the American Zionist Movement, emphasized that the WZO is not a partisan arena but “a global, grassroots parliament of the Jewish people.” In his words, “We have delegates who have various priorities—for a two-state solution, for annexation, for sovereignty, for funding different religious streams—but what unites everyone is the understanding that this is a global parliament. We are here to make decisions for institutions that serve not just Israel, but Jewish communities around the world.” 

Block said that delegates had prepared “under very different circumstances” before the ceasefire. “We didn’t know what the situation with the war or the hostages would be. Now people come in a different spirit—even a celebratory one—because despite all the challenges, Israel and the Zionist movement have triumphed. Those challenges have made us stronger and more resilient.” He believes the lesson of the past two years is “unity without uniformity.” “We can be united as a Jewish people without sharing the same views on everything,” he said. “When Jewish communities are under attack, when we need to support Israel politically or protect students on campuses, that unity doesn’t erase diversity—it gives it purpose.” 

Segal echoed that sentiment from the Israeli side, saying that “from the beginning of Zionism, the Zionist table was one that united all streams of Judaism. It is allowed to have disagreements, but we must respect one another’s views. We can debate, but do so with dignity and culture. I hope the congress reflects that spirit.” 

Still, those words now seemed distant. Inside the plenary hall, as delegates whispered about coalition breakdowns and public outrage, the tone shifted from celebration to introspection. “The congress can call on the Israeli government and Knesset for decisions of rehabilitation, for hope, for unity,” Segal said. “The national institutions—the Jewish Agency and the Jewish National Fund–Keren Kayemet LeIsrael—will play a central role in rebuilding Israel, both declaratively and practically.” He emphasized that the congress would elect new boards for these bodies, “which control billions of dollars,” determining where the resources will go. “Through the Jewish National Fund,” he added, “which is already engaged in the physical reconstruction of Israel, we will continue that mission.” 

Speaking from Jerusalem, Joshua Aronson offered a more personal reflection. A journalist and member of President Herzog’s Council of Diaspora Jewry, Aronson is also the first openly autistic journalist to serve as a delegate to the Congress. “The past two years have been among the most intense and difficult times for Jews around the world,” he told The Media Line. “People are scared to call themselves Zionists. I once gave a lecture in Salford University and said I’m a member of the Zionist Federation UK. They asked me, ‘How can you be a Zionist and fight for peace?’ And I had to explain that you can be a Zionist and still advocate for Palestinians. The idea of what Zionism really is has been lost.” 

Aronson believes the congress can “make us into a relevant body to explain to the world that you can be Zionist, and it’s okay to be Zionist.” For him, the ceasefire is fragile not only politically but emotionally. “I’m saying the war’s not over,” he said. “There’s still a lot that needs to be done, and it affects all of us.” 

For Block, who has navigated both Washington’s corridors and Zionism’s grassroots, the challenge ahead is rebuilding not only cities but trust. “There’s still much work to do in Israel’s north and south,” he said. “The American Jewish community will rally to help support the communities, institutions, and charities involved in rebuilding.” He warned that “we can’t assume that just because the war is over and there’s a ceasefire, people will stop their activities against the State of Israel. We have to be vigilant and defend what’s at the core of the Zionist movement—support for a Jewish state in our homeland.” 

In the end, the congress that set out to reaffirm unity found itself confronting its own divisions. As delegates dispersed, the vision of “Zionism 2048” remained suspended between aspiration and disillusionment. Segal had said at the opening that “Zionism exists, lives, and breathes. It looks ahead to 2048, a hundred years of Israel. Despite our divisions, that future belongs to all generations.” Yet by week’s end, those divisions had become impossible to ignore. 

The fragile ceasefire outside was mirrored inside the hall: agreements made and broken, promises of unity tested against the realities of power. For some, it was a setback; for others, a lesson that even in turbulence, debate is proof of life. Two weeks into the ceasefire, the Zionist Congress revealed not only the endurance of a people but also the depth of their unfinished argument—one that, even amid scandal and exhaustion, continues to shape what Jewish unity truly means.