The Media Line: ‘Israel Had No Choice’: Analysts Say US Pressure Opened Door for Turkey 

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‘Israel Had No Choice’: Analysts Say US Pressure Opened Door for Turkey 

Experts argue Washington’s leverage pushed Jerusalem to accept a Turkish role that it would otherwise have resisted 

By Keren Setton/The Media Line 

Israel’s relationship with Turkey has been fraught in recent years. The war in Gaza—which ended after two years—added friction to an already tense dynamic, though the countries maintained diplomatic ties throughout. 

During the fighting between Israel and the Hamas terrorist organization, Israeli officials worked to curb Turkish efforts to expand Ankara’s role in ceasefire mediation. 

Regionally, the conflict widened fault lines, exposing competing Israeli and Turkish interests in Syria. 

Last week, Turkey secured a frontline role in Gaza’s future by signing on as a guarantor of a US-initiated peace plan for the territory. Alongside President Donald Trump, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan signed a joint statement backing an end to the Israel-Hamas war. Ankara committed to practical steps in the post-conflict phase. Turkey plans to send a disaster-response team into Gaza to help recover the bodies of Israeli hostages and remove rubble. It is also slated to join a multinational task force to monitor the ceasefire and train Palestinian security forces. 

Despite historic tensions, Israel accepted Turkish involvement. 

“This is a fascinating twist in the relationship,” Michael Harari, a former Israeli ambassador to Cyprus and policy fellow at Mitvim, the Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies, told The Media Line. “The rivalry between the two, which has seen various updates, is now changing yet again and Turkey has entered through the front door to be directly involved in the Palestinian issue.” 

Personal chemistry between President Trump and Erdoğan helped enable this outcome despite Israeli misgivings about the Turkish leader. 

“What has happened now is because of US pressure on Israel,” Dr. Gallia Lindenstrauss, senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies, told The Media Line. “This is not what Israel wanted.” 

According to Lindenstrauss, Israel has largely contained frictions since ties with Turkey deteriorated almost two decades ago. 

“We have seen escalating rhetoric against Israel during the war, but it has become of greater intensity and is also backed by actions,” she explained. “Israel should be concerned by this.” 

Erdoğan’s staunch support for Hamas further widened the gap with Jerusalem. His rhetoric included comparing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Adolf Hitler. Turkey also joined South Africa’s genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice. A recent flotilla organized by human rights activists to challenge Israel’s siege of Gaza was reportedly accompanied by Turkish military drones during its sail. 

The Turkish president’s political base is rooted in political Islam and historically aligned with the Muslim Brotherhood, of which Hamas is considered the Palestinian offshoot. Unlike Israel and the US, Turkey views Hamas as a legitimate political movement representing Palestinians rather than a terrorist organization. In solidarity, Turkey has hosted senior Hamas figures, and Hamas is believed to have used Turkish banks and companies to move money for the group. 

“Israel views Hamas as a terrorist organization that has been the cause of destruction and pain for the Israelis and the Palestinians,” said Lindenstrauss. “Turkey backs Hamas and wants to see Hamas remain in power in Gaza, after the end. Hence, Turkey cannot be seen as a constructive player in this sense and if one believes that Hamas is a danger to the ability to restore calm and to reconstruction in Gaza, then Turkey is not a productive actor in this respect.” 

A central plank of the Israel–Hamas agreement is ending Hamas rule in Gaza. 

Thus, Israel remains wary of Turkey’s affinity for Hamas, fearing Ankara could shield the group after the war. At the same time, Jerusalem recognizes that Turkey’s leverage over Hamas could help enforce compliance in later phases of the deal. 

“Israel had no choice but to agree to this agreement due to American pressure,” Harari said. “Trump wanted to exert extra pressure on Hamas and needed to add an actor like Turkey, which has leverage on Hamas, to the agreement.” 

Limiting Ankara’s footprint is expected to be a priority for Israel. 

“Israel will try to limit the Turkish involvement only to help with the retrieval of deceased hostages and will try to prevent it from taking part in the reconstruction of Gaza, but this will be very difficult,” he added. 

Syria presents another arena of Israeli-Turkish divergence, with both countries bordering a fractured state. 

The collapse of the Assad regime late last year and the rise to power of Ahmed al-Sharaa prompted swift Israeli moves to enter the Syrian side of the Golan Heights and establish a presence. 

For decades, Syria provided a primary corridor for Iran to arm and train Hezbollah. During the war, Shiite militias based in Syria also fired rockets at Israel. 

Israel exploited the instability with a short, intense campaign in which the Israeli Air Force carried out hundreds of strikes on weapons depots and Syrian air-defense systems, also targeting the Syrian navy and other military sites. The Israeli Air Force hit the Janta crossing between Syria and Lebanon, believed to be a key lifeline for Hezbollah. 

Israeli soldiers deployed in the buffer zone between the countries have remained in place. 

Over the weekend, Netanyahu vowed that Israel would retain its presence at the summit of Mt. Hermon, previously controlled by Syria. 

“Israel is very suspicious of the new regime in Syria and its overly close ties to Turkey,” said Harari. “Israel wants to cement its involvement in southern Syria in order to protect its security and also safeguard the Druze minority there. Turkey sees this as illegitimate.” 

Turkey seeks to maintain influence—especially in northern Syria, where it borders the country—and to counter Kurdish autonomy there. Israel’s main objective is to prevent Iran and the Lebanon-based Hezbollah terrorist organization from re-establishing a permanent military foothold in Syria. While Ankara generally opposes Iran’s regional dominance, its coordination with Iran and Russia in Syria constrains Israel’s freedom of action. 

Israel and Syria are now negotiating a de-escalation arrangement through American mediation. 

“Israel wants to see major disarmament in southern Syria as part of the agreement while also seeking to influence the future of the area under the pretense of protecting minority groups such as the Druze,” Harari explained. “Both Turkey and al-Sharaa will not agree to this, or to giving Israel any foothold in the future of Syria.” 

An Israel–Syria understanding over the south could strengthen al-Sharaa, deepen his ties with Western and Arab capitals, and weaken Turkey’s position there. Such a shift could reshape Turkey’s role in Syria’s future. 

That outline would entail demilitarization in southern Syria and a return to the 1974 disengagement deal that established a ceasefire line after the 1973 war. After the Assad regime fell in December 2024, Israel declared the agreement void because Damascus could no longer implement it. 

“Israel is moving toward signing an agreement with Syria, which will relax the tensions between the two,” said Lindenstrauss. “This should translate into relaxing the bilateral tensions between Israel and Turkey over Syria. But overall, Turkey’s ambition to make it a front base for itself is a very worrying development and something that Israel cannot agree to.” 

Israel and Turkey established diplomatic relations in 1949, a year after Israel’s founding. That makes Turkey the Muslim-majority state with which Israel has had the longest continuous relationship. Despite sharp disputes and major setbacks, the rivals have never fully severed ties. 

“The relations are intact,” said Lindenstrauss. “Turkey does understand that Israel is an important actor in the Middle East and if it wants to have a say in the Palestinian issue, it has to have an open communication channel with Israel.” 

“Israel and Turkey are too important regional actors that cannot afford to sever relations,” Harari added.